By James F. Adams, Samuel Merrill III, Bernard Grofman

The authors clarify how events and applicants place themselves at the Left-Right ideological size and different factor dimensions. Their unified theoretical method of voter habit and occasion thoughts takes into consideration voter personal tastes, voter's partisan attachments, anticipated turnout, and the positioning of the political established order. The strategy, established via vast cross-national research, contains reviews of the plurality-based two-party contests within the U.S. and multiple-party festival in France, Britain, and Norway.

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For example, McGann has shown that when ideological distributions are nonsymmetric, sequential elimination runoffs that require a majority vote for a candidate to win tend to elect candidates who are more extreme than the median voter – candidates located between the median and the mode of the ideological distribution (McGann, Koetzle, and Grofman 2002; McGann, Grofman, and Koetzle 2003; see also McGann 2002). r Politicians’ policy motivations. There is extensive theoretical work (Wittman 1977, 1983; Cox 1984; Calvert 1985; Chappel and Keech 1986; Londregan and Romer 1993; Roemer 2001; Groseclose 2001; Schofield 1996) suggesting that policy-motivated politicians – that is, politicians who are seeking office as a means of enacting their proposed policies rather than proposing policies as a means of attaining office – may propose divergent, noncentrist policies.

Illustrative Example 1: Spatial Competition for the Policy-Only Voting Model: The Parties Are Drawn toward the Center In a policy-only spatial model, voters are entirely policy motivated, so that partisanship does not influence their decisions. 1; that is, we assume that partisanship has no independent influence on the vote. Thus for all voters, Ui (k) = − (xi − sk )2 . 5]. This constitutes slightly more than 25 percent of the electorate. Of course, if Q presents this centrist ideology, then the rival parties L and R have electoral incentives to converge toward Q’s position so as to attract additional support from centrist voters.

See Alvarez and Nagler (1998a) for a comparison of conditional logit and related models. xml CY518/Adams 20 0 521 83644 1 March 2, 2005 A Unified Theory of Party Competition Schofield 2002). 2. The reason is that voters’ candidate preferences are also influenced by a number of non-policy-related factors that are measured in voter surveys and that are arguably observable by the candidates during the election campaign. Some of these factors, such as partisanship, sociodemographic traits (race, gender, class, income, education, and the like), and retrospective evaluations of party performance, are voter-specific.

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