By Alison Park, John Curtice, Katarina Thomson, Miranda Phillips, Elizabeth Clery, Sarah Butt

The yearly British Social Attitudes survey is performed by way of Britain's biggest autonomous social examine employer, the nationwide Centre for Social study. It offers an integral advisor to political and social concerns in modern Britain. This twenty sixth document summarises and translates facts from the newest national survey, in addition to drawing necessary comparisons with the findings of prior years to supply a richer photograph and deeper realizing of adjusting British social values. The British Social Attitudes survey file is key analyzing for an individual looking a consultant to the topical concerns and debates of this day or engaged in modern social and political learn.

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10. The comments in this paragraph are supported by the results of log-linear modelling. We followed the procedure outlined in note 10 and fitted for the years 1996 and 1998 the equivalent model for the relationship between attitudes towards the dole, party identification and year. 99, which, with one degree of freedom, is not significant at the 5% level. 2, which, with one degree of freedom, is significant at the 1% level. 34 BRITISH SOCIAL ATTITUDES 11.

Such voters are often known as ‘party identifiers’ (Butler and Stokes, 1974). 1 shows for every British Social Attitudes survey since 1983 the proportion of people who can be regarded as identifying with one of the parties. The figures are based on the answers to a sequence of questions designed to establish who might be a party identifier (see Appendix I of this report for further details). , 2004). However, it seems that in practice there is evidence of both cyclical and secular change. So, for example, before 1990, the proportion of Labour identifiers was never higher than 36 per cent, then between 1994 and 2002 it was never below 40 per cent, while most recently it has slumped to just 27 per cent, a figure that leaves the party trailing the Conservatives for the first time in nearly 20 years.

As a result, the gap between the generations (measured as the difference between the youngest and oldest age groups in each column) is now much wider than it was in 1991. 8 Civic duty, by birth cohort 1991, 2001 and 20087 % who say “It’s everyone’s duty to vote” All Cohort 1981–1990 1971–1980 1961–1970 1951–1960 1941–1950 1931–1940 1921–1930 Generation gap Age in 1991 Age in 2001 Age in 2008 1–10 11–20 21–30 31–40 41–50 51–60 61–70 11–20 21–30 31–40 41–50 51–60 61–70 71–80 18–27 28–37 38–47 48–57 58–67 68–77 78–87 1991 2001 2008 68 65 56 – – 58 63 65 80 78 – 47 60 61 68 81 – 35 49 54 56 72 – – 20 34 37 – Cohort was either too young to be interviewed in that year or no longer contained sufficient respondents to be able to report a figure However, it seems that generational change may not be a sufficient explanation of what has happened.

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